What Happened
- Democratic Azad Party (DAP) chief and former Congress leader Ghulam Nabi Azad appeared before the Joint Parliamentary Committee (JPC) examining the Constitution (129th Amendment) Bill, 2024 — the One Nation One Election (ONOE) bill.
- Azad argued that simultaneous elections could help curb political defections, as the current staggered election cycle creates perpetual campaign mode that incentivises floor-crossing and political instability.
- The JPC, chaired by PP Chaudhary, has been consulting a wide range of stakeholders — former CJIs, constitutional experts, presiding officers of State Legislatures, and political parties.
- The JPC's tenure has been extended until the last week of the Budget Session 2026, reflecting the complexity and political sensitivity of the proposal.
Static Topic Bridges
The Constitution (129th Amendment) Bill, 2024: Key Provisions
The Constitution (One Hundred and Twenty-Ninth Amendment) Bill, 2024 was introduced in the Lok Sabha on 17 December 2024 by the Minister of Law and Justice, Arjun Ram Meghwal, and referred to a Joint Parliamentary Committee on 19 December 2024.
- Articles amended: Articles 82, 83, and 327. A new Article 82A (with seven sub-clauses) is inserted.
- Article 82A(1): The President, by proclamation, appoints an "appointed date" — the first meeting of Lok Sabha after a general election — from which all State Assembly terms synchronise with the Lok Sabha term.
- Article 82A(2): State Assemblies constituted after the appointed date shall have terms ending with the Lok Sabha's term.
- Companion legislation: The Union Territories Laws (Amendment) Bill, 2024 extends the framework to Union Territory Assemblies (Puducherry, Delhi, J&K).
- JPC composition: 39 members — 27 from Lok Sabha, 12 from Rajya Sabha.
- Majority required for passage: Being a constitutional amendment, it requires special majority under Article 368(2). Additionally, since it affects the legislative powers of States (affecting Articles 82 and 170), it may require ratification by at least half the State Legislatures under Article 368(2) proviso.
- Historical parallel: Simultaneous elections were held from 1951 to 1967; disrupted by premature dissolutions beginning in the late 1960s.
Connection to this news: Azad's appearance reflects the JPC's broad consultative process — his argument on defections connects to concerns about political stability that are central to ONOE's rationale.
Anti-Defection Law — Tenth Schedule of the Constitution
The Tenth Schedule, introduced by the Constitution (52nd Amendment) Act, 1985, is the constitutional mechanism to curb defections. ONOE proponents argue that continuous elections amplify the incentive to defect, making the Tenth Schedule's enforcement more difficult.
- Tenth Schedule Para 2: Disqualifies a member of a Legislature who voluntarily gives up membership of their political party, or votes/abstains contrary to party direction without prior permission.
- Tenth Schedule Para 4: Exempts mergers — a split in which at least two-thirds of a legislative party merges with another party is not treated as defection.
- Deciding authority: The Speaker (or Chairman of the Upper House) decides on disqualification petitions — a power that has been criticised as compromised given Speakers' partisan affiliations.
- Kihoto Hollohan v. Zachillhu (1992): Five-judge Constitution Bench upheld the constitutional validity of the Tenth Schedule; held that the Speaker's decision is subject to judicial review, but only after the final order (not during proceedings).
- Nabam Rebia and Bamang Felix v. Deputy Speaker, Arunachal Pradesh (2016): Supreme Court ruled that a Speaker facing a no-confidence motion cannot decide disqualification petitions — a significant limitation on the Speaker's discretion.
- Subhash Desai v. Principal Secretary (2023) (Maharashtra Speaker case): Supreme Court reiterated that Speakers must decide disqualification petitions within a reasonable time; indefinite delay is unconstitutional.
Connection to this news: Azad's argument is that ONOE would reduce the frequency of by-elections and election-driven politics, thereby reducing the incentive for defections — but critics note this treats the symptom (elections) rather than the disease (weak enforcement of the Tenth Schedule).
Confidence Motion and Assembly Dissolution Under ONOE Framework
A key constitutional challenge of ONOE is what happens when a government loses confidence mid-term — under the proposed Article 82A, premature dissolution would need to be managed carefully.
- Article 83(2): Lok Sabha has a maximum 5-year term unless dissolved earlier.
- Article 75(3): The Council of Ministers is collectively responsible to the House of the People — governments can fall on a no-confidence vote.
- Proposed Article 82A mechanism: If a State Assembly is dissolved prematurely, fresh elections are held only for the remainder of the Lok Sabha's term — the new Assembly does not get a fresh 5-year term.
- No-confidence motion (Article 75 read with Rules of Procedure): Requires a simple majority of members present and voting; if passed, the government must resign.
- Criticism: The ONOE framework may effectively incentivise manufactured majorities — a ruling party fearing a no-confidence motion might resist it to avoid cutting short its own term.
Connection to this news: Azad's point on defections is indirectly related to this concern — both speak to the problem of political instability in multi-party democracies and how constitutional design can either incentivise or deter it.
Kovind Committee and Recommendations on ONOE
The government appointed a High-Level Committee chaired by former President Ram Nath Kovind in September 2023 to examine the feasibility of simultaneous elections.
- The Kovind Committee submitted its report in March 2024, recommending implementation in two phases:
- Phase 1: Synchronise Lok Sabha and State Assembly elections.
- Phase 2: Align local body (Panchayat and Municipal) elections within 100 days of the simultaneous general elections.
- The Committee recommended amending Articles 83, 85, 172, 174, and 356 of the Constitution, and adding new provisions.
- It cited reduced election expenditure, minimising disruptions to governance, consistent implementation of the Model Code of Conduct, and reducing strain on deployment of security forces as primary benefits.
- Criticism: Opposition parties and constitutional experts argue ONOE undermines federalism by effectively overriding State Assemblies' independent mandates, concentrates power in the Centre, and may not be constitutionally permissible without State ratification.
- Ex-CJI D.Y. Chandrachud (post-retirement, 2025): Stated that ONOE does not violate the basic structure of the Constitution.
Connection to this news: The JPC is examining the Kovind Committee's recommendations before finalising the Bill — Azad's submission is part of this consultative process that will shape the Bill's final form.
Key Facts & Data
- Bill: Constitution (129th Amendment) Bill, 2024 — introduced 17 December 2024.
- JPC: 39 members (27 LS + 12 RS); chaired by PP Chaudhary.
- JPC tenure: Extended to last week of Budget Session 2026.
- Key new article: Article 82A — synchronises State Assembly terms with Lok Sabha term.
- Tenth Schedule: Inserted by 52nd Constitutional Amendment Act, 1985 — anti-defection provisions.
- Kihoto Hollohan v. Zachillhu (1992): Upheld Tenth Schedule validity; Speaker's order subject to judicial review post-decision.
- Simultaneous elections history: 1951-52, 1957, 1962, 1967 — disrupted after 1967.
- Kovind Committee report: March 2024 — two-phase implementation recommended.
- Amendment majority required: Special majority under Article 368(2) + possible State ratification (Article 368(2) proviso) as it affects legislative terms of States.
- Ghulam Nabi Azad: Former Chief Minister of J&K, former Leader of Opposition in Rajya Sabha, founder of Democratic Azad Party.